These are the statements of a former PJAK member who served for 11 years—first in the PKK and later in PJAK—and was in close contact with the leaders and key members of this Kurdish militant group. After 11 years within this armed group, he separated for reasons that will be detailed below and now resides in a European country.
In his communication with the Kurdistan Human Rights Watch (IKHRW), he raised points which, after obtaining his consent, we are publishing in sections to enlighten public opinion and raise awareness among society and human rights and political activists.
It is noteworthy that, according to him, should a competent court be established anywhere in the world, Mr. “Sirwan A.” is prepared to present documentation for all the claims he raises.
During his tenure in PJAK, he worked for several years in a center titled “PJAK Intelligence,” and upon his departure, he extracted significant and thought-provoking documents. Some of these documents, provided to the IKHRW, are considered by our legal team to be substantial evidence that proves the terrorist and violence-based nature of this Kurdish militant group.
The IKHRW is striving to submit these documents to competent international authorities through its lawyers, and their assessment is that international mechanisms apply strict laws regarding these instances.
In his interview with the IKHRW, Sirwan stated: “The reality is that PJAK cannot be considered an Iranian Kurdish party. Other Kurdish parties, like the Democrats or Komala, have members who are specifically Iranian, and decisions in those parties are influenced by individuals who are Iranian. But in PJAK, all decisions are influenced by the PKK leadership council and, so to speak, Qandil.”
“If you look at the document in which the U.S. Department of the Treasury designated PJAK as a terrorist group, it considers it a group under the PKK structure, and this is correct. For years, PJAK did not shy away from being defined under the PKK.”
“To understand why at a certain point PJAK became unwilling to openly admit it is under the PKK, and even claimed in some cases that they are independent, I must mention the context of this event. When the Syrian developments occurred and the PYD (the Kurdish party affiliated with the PKK) entered the fray, their relations with the Americans took shape. That was when the Americans told them, ‘If you want our support, you must change your name and behave according to our desires.’”
“Many probably do not know that Mazloum Abdi, the commander of the Syrian Kurdish armed forces, is the same Sahin Cilo who was alongside Ocalan in the PKK since he was a child—about eight years old. But we saw that Mazloum Abdi, contrary to the opinion of the PKK leadership council, under U.S. pressure—and of course his own opinion—changed the name YPG to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and continues to operate under this name.”
“Therefore, PJAK was also influenced by these conditions. While I do not have precise information, seeing some PJAK leaders travel to the U.S. while PJAK’s name is on the U.S. terrorist list suggests that behind-the-scenes relations have formed between PJAK and the U.S. I mentioned these issues so you know that behind these behaviors lie political relations and trade-offs.”
“But when I saw that Interpol had issued a Red Notice for them, I concluded that these political relations have likely faced challenges due to relations at a higher level. International Interpol does not issue a Red Notice for anyone so easily, and it seems the conditions have changed for PJAK and other Kurdish parties.”
“Regarding the issues raised by the IKHRW, after all, a number of human beings with real identities—some of whom have even provided videos of themselves—have raised issues. I have also witnessed some of these issues. In any case, these are armed groups whose entire structure is formed on this basis; thus, many who are attracted to these groups under the influence of Instagram and propaganda spaces leave them quickly. Of course, this separation is not that easy either.”
“The important point is that in recent years, almost no ideological recruits have been absorbed. Most are individuals who have problems and thought they could solve them by escaping, but when they enter, they see the conditions are much tougher than they imagined.”
“I remember several people who came in who were severely addicted to drugs. They said, ‘We came here to quit, because there are no drugs on the mountain,’ but when they saw the conditions, they would try everything to escape. They were taken to dig caves, and it is clear what the situation of an addict would be in such conditions.”
“There is immense mental and psychological pressure on members, and there is a prison with very harsh conditions. We even had cases where they said someone was a spy for Iran; they stripped him, took him to the top of the mountain, and threw him down. This method was used so that no trace of the person would remain. These poor souls were killed anyway, and their bodies were eaten by animals.”
“Even more lamentable is that after a few years, they would announce that so-and-so was killed in a clash with the Turkish army, and they would do propaganda for him. Then they would go to his family, and the family had to be fully aligned with their propaganda programs.”
“How can these cases be documented now? In my opinion, the movement that has started in Iranian Kurdistan was initiated by Generation Z. These are teenagers who cannot tolerate these pressures and harassments, and after separating, they speak out very easily and without fear. From my perspective on the outside, this shows that the social base of these Kurdish parties has been destroyed.”
“They painted a utopia for the people, but now, when they see a plethora of narratives, they can no longer deny them. How many people can you say are lying? It is impossible for everyone to be a liar and for Ribwar Abdanan to be the truthful one!”
Sirwan continued: “I have many documents and evidence that if a court is held one day and the leaders of these parties are brought to account, I will present them all to the court.”
Responding to the recent positions of Ribwar Abdanan, Sirwan said: “He did not express anything new; he just denied everything in a rush and kept saying ‘it is a lie.’ Someone needs to tell him, ‘That is fine, you say it is a lie; very well, appear in a court where the complainants are also present, and let the court rule whether it is a lie or not.’”
“If you truly have nothing to hide, do exactly that. If you have claims, present them to the court and file a complaint so that anyone who has committed a crime is punished. But just because a person made a mistake somewhere does not mean I am also allowed to make a mistake and say, ‘Because he did this, I have the license to do the same.’ What kind of logic is that?”
At the end of his interview with the IKHRW, Sirwan declared: “These armed parties and groups in Iranian Kurdistan only abuse the ignorance and poverty of the people. Therefore, if the right work is done for the livelihood of the people and raising awareness in these regions, no Kurdish youth or even teenager will join these groups.”
“I agree this is a vicious cycle where insecurity has caused these backwardnesses, but the government was obligated to solve this problem. You and I cannot solve these problems.”
“If they investigate, they will find that almost everyone, or at least most of the people who go to these groups, are not doing so based on ideology and belief; most are trapped by society—by poverty, forced marriage, addiction, and even problems that might seem laughable to you and me, but for a teenager who asked his father for a motorcycle and was denied, it is a serious issue. Therefore, the reality is that the people do not really believe in them.”
The content provided represents the statements of the interviewee, and the IKHRW considers the responsibility for the accuracy of these claims to lie with judicial authorities and verification processes.
